It’s become somewhat of a trope in Brazilian newsrooms to draw parallels between the storylines of Netflix’s House of Cards and the never-ending drama of Brazilian politics. However, after the Supreme Court made public a video of a meeting between Jair Bolsonaro and his ministers, it would seem that Scarface is the more fitting comparison.

Released as part of the ongoing investigation into alleged political interference by Jair Bolsonaro, the meeting shows the President ranting and raving like the Mad Kings of old.

“It’s a disgrace!” he screeches. “An absolutely disgrace that I don’t have the information I need.”


It soon becomes clear that the information he craves is really access — the ability to call up a friendly face in every organ to enquire about cases of interest.  

Spitting expletives, Bolsonaro shouts that that he will continue to interfere into any body he sees fit.

“This isn’t a threat, nor an extrapolation on my part” he barks “It’s reality.” 

Implicit in this bulldozing of checks and balances is the constitutionally independent Federal Police which is currently investigating two of his eldest sons. Son 01, as Bolsonaro likes to refer them, is being investigated re links to the Brazilian mafia. Son 02, for his role in the fake news machine that keeps the Bozo base outraged.

Next to speak are several senior ministers — each keen to demonstrate their loyalty to the sinking government ship.

The Minister of Education suggests jailing Supreme Court Judges.

The Environment Minister promises to let Big Agro run unchecked through the Amazon while the press is busy with the pandemic.

The Minister of Human, Family and Women’s Rights implies that the reason so many indigenous people have been infected is because “communists” got their first and started spreading the disease to discredit Jair Bolsonaro.

While each indulges in their own language of betrayal, mutiny or mission creep, the message is clear. This is a government that feels persecuted by the very institutions that elected them.  

While it’s not a new narrative in our populist era, it does acquire a unique flavour in Brazil.

Throughout his presidency, Bolsonaro has fattened the idea of a communist takeover into a sacrificial lamb. The more instable his government gets, the juicier it becomes.

Forget that the Communist Party have one of the lowest shares of power in Congress or that Bolsonaro has scared off more foreign investment than the last three Presidents combined. Communists — which has come to encompass anyone with centrist or left-leaning tendencies —are what has robbed Brazil of its destiny of becoming a modern thriving nation. 

By this same logic, any evidence against Bolsonaro must also be fabricated, planted by the rapacious commies that stalk the land.

“I didn’t ask for special treatment from Moro, just for him to prevent them planting evidence in my son’s house”


Like most conspiracy theories, it obfuscates more than it reveals, robbing the population of the chance to have structured conversations around the very real problems of racism, inequality or corruption.

Instead we’re forced to live in the psychological territory Bolsonaro sets out for us. In this nostalgic Wild West, there is no nuance, just the light-skinned ‘goodies’ and the black ‘bandidos’ — both of which are brandishing arms. Since what is at stake is always a conflict between absolute good and absolute evil, what is deemed “necessary” is not compromise but the will to fight things out to a finish.

Enter the military, often portrayed as the only viable alternative to the ups and downs of Brazilian politics. An almost knee-jerk reaction, Brazil has seen 4 military coups in the last century. Worse still, their cruel reigns are often revised as periods of relative “stability” in the shared consciousness —  despite their well-documented reputation for torture.

With an unscrupulous General for Vice President, it’s exactly this muscle memory of repression that Bolsonaro looks set to ignite. As the cards fold under this ramshackle government and recession looms, it’s hard to see how Brazil will avoid this most unfortunate of fates.

Feature Image Cartoon by the great Paulo Caruso for O Globo 


Threesomes of any kind are awkward arrangements. Diplomatic ones tend to be even more so. And whether it’s a strategic alliance between Russia, China & the US or the underlying tensions between the European Union’s Big Three, there always seems to be one party who feels like they are missing out on the action.

One such trio includes the the back-and-forth between Brazil, China and the US. While perhaps more of a tug-of-war than your standard ménage a trois, there are several interesting takeaways that can be made by comparing them together.

The most important?  While the US have failed to show up for several key dates, China has emerged as an incredibly persistent suitor. 

This isn’t an impression immediately deductible from the Twitter-sphere. Indeed, the attempt by the Bolsonaro family to rope their largest trading partner into a coronavirus culture war has led many commentators to ponder whether it would engender permanent damage to Sino-Brazilian relations. China, much like science or diversity quotas, is another one of Bolsonaro’s boogiemen

Via Globo G1

Such a diagnosis seems hasty. Instead, it’s a reminder that the mud-slinging that occupies the front page is rarely the real story.

Ever since Bolsonaro’s inauguration in 2019, Xi Jinping has proven himself to be a reliable and committed trading partner. 

When the Brazilian government realised that interest was lacking for their state oil auction in November, they immediately turned to China for help. Xi promptly responded by sending two state-owned Chinese firms to attend. As fate would have it, they were the only two foreign bidders to participate. 

And then there is the Brazil-China fund, initiated under the auspices of former President Michel Temer but currently in operation today. 75% of the $20 billion dollar project is funded by China, and sits primed and ready to realise infrastructure projects in Brazil. 

Once approved, they will join the massive investments already taking place in the state of Maranhão under China’s Belt & Road initiative. Their objective is simple. To secure Chinese access to food and mineral supplies while upgrading much of the region’s basic infrastructure. 

That all of these projects look set to take place in Amazonian states is a blow to anyone who thought that a green new deal was a foregone conclusion post-lockdown. 

Now contrast this with the unrequited love between Jair Bolsonaro and Donald Trump. While both leaders are fond of paraphrasing the other, it appears to be a classic case of actions speaking louder than words. 

Both of Bolsonaro’s trips to the US have been short but sweet, followed by a domino of concessions on the Brazilian side. Meanwhile, Bolsonaro’s request to join the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development is still pending, with many assuming he will be left in the lurch. 

Then there is the mysterious disappearance of 600 ventilators that were on their way to the North East of Brazil via Miami, assumed by many to have been confiscated by the Trump government. While not entirely surprising, the Lord of the Flies-esque behaviour is a reminder of what failure to prepare for a pandemic can do to international relations.

In trying to deduce who will be the outright winner for Brazilian affection, it’s helpful to consider each nation’s underlying intention. While China is looking to lay down deep socio-economic roots, America’s vision is half-hearted and mainly geopolitical, characterised by the desire to secure easy access to Venezuela should another opportunity for regime change re-emerge.  

The usurping of vague US promises by determined Chinese investment is a trend that can be observed across the globe. However, it’s a political U-turn that might prove challenging for Jair Bolsonaro. After spending months peddling Wuhan conspiracy theories, one wonders how his base will react to the idea of Chinese-backed infrastructure projects snaking into the heart of the Amazon. 

The episode provides yet more evidence of Bolsonaro’s tenuous position as Head of State in a government with clear, enduring ambition. Jostling at the helm is Vice President Hamilton Mourão, an ultra-conservative General, whose schmoozing of Chinese delegates is well documented

As the coronavirus continues to reveal the cracks in the populist facade, one can’t help but wonder whether the days of sycophantic bromance between Bolsonaro and Trump are numbered. Next in line would be a steely union between Xi Jinping, Mike Pence and General Mourão. For supporters of democracy, gay rights and the environment, the follow-up tryst might prove more troubling than the original.

Joseph Goebbels Resurfaces In Brazilian Politics

Philosopher Hannah Arendt once wrote that the aim of totalitarian education is not to instil convictions, but to destroy a population’s capacity to form any. As one of the most prominent intellectuals in Nazi Germany, she had reason to fear its advance. So too, it would appear, do Brazilian creatives, following the announcement of Roberto Alvim, Brazil’s Minister for Culture, on Thursday evening.

“Culture will be national and heroic,” he snarled “or else it will be nothing”.

The announcement was accompanied by the allocation of 20 million reais for cultural projects that emphasise “the motherland, the family, the courage of its people and their profound connection with God.”

It wasn’t long before the Twitter Police began to investigate Alvim’s statement. In announcing the new cultural agenda, Alvim had swapped his usual brand of Old Testament tough talk for the chilling words of Hitler’s Minister of Propoganda, Joseph Goebbels.

An outpouring of public pressure ensued, in which Alvim was removed from his post and government strategists clamoured to distance themselves from the video. 

And yet the notion that this is even slightly off-message for the Bolsonaro government requires stern examination.

The personification of white, male power, Bolsonaro has perfected the art of hiding in plain sight. A ‘political outsider’ despite his 27 years of parliamentary experience, he cannot be seen to be governing. Instead, he relies upon more-qualified minions, the Ricardo Salles’ and Roberto Alvims of the world, to deliver the reforms that will pave the way for his binary vision of Brazil.  

And so it was that just hours before the video’s release, Alvim could be found side by side with the President in his weekly address, receiving compliments and back-slaps for his “bold new vision of national art”.

For older Brazilians, this will all sound eerily familiar. From the critical underfunding of cultural institutions to the slow degradation of artistic subjects in universities, Bolsonaro is following a tried-and-tested agenda to return Brazil to the cultural winter of his 21-year dictatorship.

The slow creep of censorship comes at a the height of interest in Brazilian art, with nominations at this year’s Oscars (Democracia em Vertigem / The Edge of Democracy) and prestigious titles secured at the Cannes Film Festival (Bacarau — Juri Prize).

So unnerved were the Bolsonaro government by the new documentary that a boycott ban was issued via the pro-Bolsonaro Whatsapp groups that proliferate fake news and debate among loyal supporters — an instant form of communication of which Goebbels could only dream.

Like any fascist, Bolsonaro naturally fears arts ability to subvert the status quo, creating futures and ideas that soar above the fickle constraints of politics. And so he’ll continue to use whatever leverage he can to stamp out that which he deems degenerate — the right to imagine new realities, to empathise with others and to ask inconvenient questions.

That Brazilian artists will go on creating goes without saying. Whether they’ll be able to continue to do so without repercussions is another. This month, we invite you to indulge in one of the many Brazilian series on Netflix, from Petra Costa’s Oscar-nominated documentary (Edge of Democracy) to the dystopian world of ‘3%’. In doing so, we save ourselves from a future in which expression is only permissible insofar as it serves the instruments of power.